The Challenges and Stakes of the Cambodian Revival

Cambodia put its former Khmer Rouge leaders on trial in February 2009, marking a major turning point for a country seeking national reconciliation as the first step towards lasting peace and
development. H.E. Uch Kiman, the Ambassador
of Cambodia to France, tells us that despite a growth slowdown brought on by the financial
crisis, the Cambodian revival is pushing steadily forward, as evidenced by the country’s evolving economy and firm commitment to ASEAN.

The Diplomatic Letter: Mr. Ambassador, Prime Minister Hun Sen made an official visit to Paris on 10-14 July 2009, four years after his first trip to our country. Were priorities laid out at that time for strengthening ties between Cambodia and France? In what specific areas could French-Cambodian cooperation be enhanced, in tune with French efforts to help foster your country’s development?

H.E. Uch Kiman: Prime Minister Hun Sen’s official visit to Paris, at the invitation of President Nicolas Sarkozy, was a new high point in our countries’ friendly and multifaceted relations. The people of Cambodia, our diplomats serving in Paris, and I especially, as Ambassador to France, saw the seating of Samdech Hun Sen and his wife in the presidential stand during the July 14th parade as an extremely high honor.
The bilateral meetings held during this summit further reinforced the friendly ties our nations have forged over the past century. The President of the French Republic’s assertion that “Cambodia can count on France’s friendship” went straight to our hearts.
This visit pushed our relations into higher gear, moving them beyond the mutual support of years past towards a new form of mutually advantageous cooperation. Thanks to the sound economic management seen in recent years, bolstered by an auspicious economic and political climate, Cambodia now deserves to be viewed as a valuable partner.
The fact of the matter is, there is wide potential for deepening our economic and trade ties in a variety of areas, starting with energy (oil exploration), telecommunications, and industrial agriculture. French firms already working in neighboring countries could extend their operations into Cambodia, where the climate is even more conducive to their growth and success because of the great importance we attach to the French-speaking community.
It is also true that we need to forge closer cooperation in areas where France plays or has played a key role, such as professional training. This could be done by launching more befitting and expanded programs, or organizing technical, scientific and cultural exchanges.

T.D.L.: A must language on Cambodia’s cultural landscape for decades, French is starting to be overtaken by English in your country. As a former English teacher, how do you feel about this shift? What can be done to promote the French language and culture in Cambodia, given the realities of globalization? What does Cambodia gain from being part of the Francophonie?

H.E.U.K.: English is clearly gaining ground on the linguistic score, for the simple reason that it is a necessity in daily life. In the early 1980s, at the end of the bloody Khmer Rouge regime, young knowledge-hungry Cambodians started enrolling in private morning or evening classes to learn English. Very few of them studied French, for a variety of practical reasons, leaving their elders a virtual monopoly on the language of Moliere.
This trend became even more pronounced with the arrival of English-speaking international relief organizations, followed by UN bodies, most of which also use English. With the slow but gradual return of the diaspora, and Cambodia’s entry in ASEAN,  the language of Shakespeare has become predominant.
Under these circumstances, it has become difficult to find French teachers who have kept up their skills for love of the language. Despite this trend, French is still the chief means of communication in various ministries run by a small French-speaking elite. For the younger generation just entering the job market, however, the choice is clear.
To counteract this imbalance and to ensure that future generations do not lose this precious asset, bilingual classes have been opened. But here again, we cannot change the law of the labor market, and the great majority of Cambodians are motivated solely by finding a job. Political declarations and fancy resolutions taken at international conferences do no good on this score. What would make a difference would be having French companies make investments here, creating jobs, opening professional training schools and offering opportunities to pursue higher studies in France. These days, over 90% of the students living at the Cambodia House at the Cité universitaire in Paris, which is supposed to house Cambodian students, are not even Cambodian.
This is alarming, because there is no one to take over from our French-speaking elite, which is being gradually replaced by a new multilingual generation in a better position to meet the growing and diverse needs of our country in its newly configured international relations. Be that as it may, Cambodia’s membership in the Francophone family is an asset that its neighbors do not possess. It must be remembered that French, like any foreign living language, must be acquired in one’s earliest years. A few months of postgraduate training in France do not make one a true French speaker.

T.D.L.: During  his visit to France, Cambodia’s head of government announced that the French oil firm Total had been granted oil exploration rights in your country. Could this lead to closer cooperation with the French oil industry in this strategic economic sector? Is there room for expanding economic cooperation between the two countries in other activity sectors?

H.E.U.K.: For long years, Cambodia seemed to be a country with little potential in the energy arena, and so very few investors took any interest in it. The Elf group did the first drilling, off Paulo Wai Island in the 1970s, during the civil war. Now the Total group has been granted oil exploration rights in blocs both onshore and offshore.
Without jumping to conclusions about this new activity sector’s potential, we have good reason to hope for closer cooperation with additional French companies. While a future oil windfall could play a key role in other areas vital to Cambodia’s development, oil revenues alone will not present a miracle solution for modernizing the country, lifting it out of underdevelopment, or reducing poverty spectacularly.
The government, of course, intends to use this windfall in a wise and clear-sighted manner, with the aim of fostering harmonious development. This sector will be tapped hand-in-hand with other economic assets, such as tourism, industrial agriculture and processing industries. France can share its know-how with us in all these highly promising sectors, taking advantage of the new climate that reigns in our country and throughout the region. After a decade of peace and political stability, Cambodia now lies at the heart of ASEAN. Participating in this group has enabled it to evolve and develop very rapidly, to the satisfaction of all. 

T.D.L.: Cambodians reelected Prime Minister Hun Sen to a fourth term in office in the legislative elections held on 27 July 2008. Could you tell us how he has managed to remain at the helm of the Cambodian government for so long, and outline the main points of his action plan for our readers?

H.E.U.K.: The Cambodian Constitution does not impose term limits on heads of government chosen through general elections. In one election after another, the Cambodian people have shown their appreciation of the strides and numerous truly remarkable accomplishments that have been made, of varying degrees, as well as the changes wrought in every aspect of national life. This has been achieved despite the enormous challenges raised by the consequences of three decades of war.
The Cambodian people enjoy true entrepreneurial freedom and the right to move about and express themselves freely. Renewed peace, political stability and national reconciliation have completely transformed the country, making it an attractive tourist destination and reliable partner for foreign investors. In addition, before the global crisis befell us, Cambodia posted two-figure economic growth for four years running.
These achievements are of course due to the sound management of the government led by Prime Minister Hun Sen. The sovereign Cambodian people have achieved even greater political maturity, and once again voted overwhelmingly for the Hun Sen administration in the last election, much to the displeasure of an internal and external opposition that is always on the offensive and looking to stir up trouble. This gives a good idea of how just much progress has been made in anchoring an energetic democracy in Cambodia.
The battle to wipe out poverty has, nevertheless, been one of the hardest challenges to overcome, which is why the government has made it a number-one priority. This is at the heart of the “rectangular strategy,” the core of which is good governance. This strategy is comprised of four programs of fundamental reforms: eradicating corruption; reforming the judicial system; reforming the government, including administrative decentralization and deconcentration; and reforming the army.
It is clear that we have been able to successfully carry out these reforms only thanks to the reinforcement of civil peace, political stability and public security and order. The strides made in these arenas have made Cambodia a good development partner which can offer a propitious microeconomic and financial climate and is gradually integrating itself with the region and the rest of the world. In 1979, year zero for Cambodia, poverty was widespread in our country after several decades of war and genocide. In 2008, the poverty rate had been brought down from 100% to roughly 30% of the population, most of whom lived in rural areas. This figure may well have been distorted by the global economic crisis, as agriculture was the only sector that was not affected. In fact, the agricultural sector is thriving and continues to produce surpluses for export, making our farmers very happy.
Generally speaking, the government’s strategy essentially strives to rebuild a country in ruins. It gives top priority, first of all, to the survival of a decimated and traumatized people, then to heightening their well-being. This strategy also seeks to foster the blossoming of a new generation of human capital.
Far-reaching accomplishments of great help to the people have been made, such as the creation of new infrastructures and the establishment of electricity and irrigation networks. Great strides have also been made in health care, education, and free enterprise, etc. These changes bring to mind the happy era of socioeconomic development during the first kingdom of King Father Norodom Sihanouk, in the 1950s and 1960s. They are proof that Cambodia’s new  generations have been able to pick themselves back up, after living through true hell.

T.D.L.: The first trial of Khmer Rouge leaders opened in February 2009, thirty years after the takeover of democratic Kampuchea. Could you talk about the significance of this trial, not only for the people of Cambodia but in terms of the international legal cooperation on this matter? Do you think that trying the former regime for its crimes will help move Cambodia towards national reconciliation?

H.E.U.K.: The crimes of genocide committed in democratic Kampuchea between 1975 and 1979 by the “Khmers Rouges” are widely known and yet went unpunished until just recently. After the fall of the Khmer Rouge in 1979, why was their ambassador allowed to fill Cambodia’s seat at the United Nations for 11 years? Why was this injustice inflicted on the people who survived this genocide? Why did 30 years go by before an international tribunal was convened? Is this a drive to obtain justice, or a justification for an entirely different end?
For the Cambodian people, the trial unfolding on Cambodian soil may well be the first step towards international acknowledgment of the historical responsibility born by every different party in the Cambodian tragedy. The Cambodian people are not demanding pure and simple justice. They have a right to know why this happened? Was it allowed to happen? They want to get to the truth, not to seek vengeance but to definitively turn the page on this dark period in their history so they can build a new forward-looking society.
The fact that this trial is taking place on Cambodian soil is a positive step forward for the Cambodian judicial system, which is being overhauled. What’s more, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) are the first jurisdiction to allow the participation of civil parties, giving the victims a chance to tell their stories. This innovation in an international criminal court is a great advance for international justice.
Despite the delays and problems encountered, the trial will move forward as clearly outlined in our agreement with the United Nations. It will be the final stage in the national reconciliation process launched with the signing of the peace agreement in Paris in 1991. It must, however, be remembered that the Khmers Rouges boycotted this agreement and that the UNTAC (United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia) mission was a partial failure. We had to wait for the total and complete surrender of the last Khmer Rouge rebels, in 1998, before national peace and reconciliation were obtained, thanks to Prime Minister Hun Sen’s “win-win” strategy. However, the “Khmer Rouge Court” must not be used to promote any other political agenda and undermine these historic achievements.

T.D.L.: First launched in 2001, the decentralization plan moved into a new stage in May 2009, when local elections were held at all levels of government. Could you describe the changes wrought by the reapportioning approved in May 2008, and the stakes of this election in terms of how the country will be governed?

H.E.U.K.: Democracy has made great strides in Cambodia in a very short time, as it begins to take root in our national political culture. The decentralization and deconcentration policy launched by the government in 2001 is a courageous initiative designed to reinforce participatory democracy. The objective is to delegate and even transfer some of the power to localities at sub-national levels. With the implementation of the decentralization plan, a new administrative reapportioning was also carried out to bring things in line with recent socioeconomic developments in our cities.
Three cities have been reclassified as provinces. Phnom Penh, classified as a city in the past, now has a special status of its own as  the capital and is divided into eight administrative sections. We entered a new stage after holding elections by indirect suffrage to elect councilors in the capital, provinces, districts and sections throughout the kingdom. Officials appointed in the past by the central government have been gradually replaced by local community representatives chosen in the 2002 and 2007 commune elections. Several political parties now have elected representatives working at every level of regional and national government.
At first, these deep-reaching changes posed a tremendous challenge in terms of sharing human resources and power among the new elected representatives of the various political parties. These new councils are responsible for drawing up and approving development projects for their districts. Thanks to their decision-making power, they counterbalance local authorities (provincial governors, for instance) who represent the government or executive power.  These reforms have had very satisfying results in terms of improving governance. The municipal and provincial council elections held in May 2009 are concrete proof that the decentralization policy has been a success.

T.D.L.: After four years of strong growth, Cambodia, like other countries in the region, is experiencing an economic slump sparked by the global financial crisis. What steps have Cambodian authorities taken to prevent the crisis from undermining the country’s social and financial stability? Cambodia intends to open its first stock exchange. Could you tell us about other initiatives the government is launching with the aim of modernizing the country’s economy?

H.E.U.K.: The global economic crisis did not spare the Cambodian economy, but it did not take a dramatic hit because of its relatively low level of development. The immediate impact was a slowdown in certain key sectors. That said, the farming sector is already doing better. And the banking sector, which depends very little on outside forces, was hardly affected, with not a single Cambodian bank forced to close its doors.
The hardest hit sectors are areas that depend on foreign investment, such as the textile and construction industries, and to a lesser extent the tourism sector. Targeted measures were taken in these sectors to ease the effects of the crisis on the job market. During this economic slowdown, government subsidies have provided professional training to improve workers’ skills or encourage them to go back to family farming, where there is still a labor shortage.
While some apparel factories are closing their doors, others are opening and can offer sizable employment opportunities. And while the poverty rate has not declined, the government’s prevention strategies have nonetheless enabled us to maintain a good degree of social and financial stability.
Even though certain sectors are experiencing a slowdown, other projects launched some time ago have come to fruition, such as the new national airline company Cambodia Angkor Air. France’s Vinci Group will also be opening a new airport very shortly. These projects will help reenergize our tourism sector, which is still quite healthy.
In fact, there are early signs that an economic upturn is around the corner. The government hopes to rekindle several projects that will launch triangular development cooperation with neighboring countries into industrial zones, special economic zones and cooperation zones, with the aim of modernizing Cambodia’s economy and reinforcing its integration at both the regional and international levels.

T.D.L.:  In the long term, Cambodia will have to diversify its economy and focus on growth sectors that create jobs, in order to lift itself out of what the UN labels the Least Developed Countries (LDC’s). Are specific measures being taken to promote processing industries, starting in the farming sector? Could you tell our readers about the efforts being made to improve the business climate, starting with the drive to put an end to corruption?

H.E.U.K.: Cambodia is essentially a agricultural economy, and has a great advantage in this sector. It has a population of barely 14 million people, 80% of whom live off more or less traditional forms of farming. It also has vast farmable lands at its disposal. After several years of post-Khmer Rouge food shortages, Cambodia became an exporter of foodstuffs, starting with rice, in just ten years’ time.
With the country’s annual production steadily increasing, and a surplus of more than two million tons of rice bound for export, Prime Minister Hun Sen put forward the idea of creating a rice OPEC in order to guarantee the supply of this vital food staple. For the past several years, the government has been working hard to diversify and modernize its farming sector. It is doing its utmost to meet world demand while lifting the country out of underdevelopment.
This policy is part of its strategy to reduce poverty in rural areas. Creating a processing industry is also high on the agenda, on the heels of the recent creation of large agricultural plantations to supplement the already existing family-run plantations. Very liberal measures have been taken to foster this trend, knowing that investments in the farming sector are risky due to weather hazards and global market fluctuations. Alongside traditional crops such as rice, corn, pepper, tobacco, and rubber, new crops with strong industrialization potential have also been introduced and should do very well in the years to come.

T.D.L.: In August 2009 your country signed a free trade agreement that calls for setting up a free trade area within ASEAN by the year 2015, giving Cambodia until 2018 to lift the necessary tariffs and barriers. What is your country doing to make its economy more competitive and meet the 2018 deadline?

H.E.U.K: The ten member countries of ASEAN all have different development levels. As the last country to join this organization, in 1999, Cambodia is part of a group comprised of the four least developed members. As such, it has been granted an extension for becoming completely integrated into the regional free trade market, or AFTA (Asean Free Trade Agreement).
This deadline has allowed or indeed forced Cambodia to step up its adaptation efforts in order to join a market in which it will, to use an evocative image, either sink or swim.
These efforts started with developing the country’s human resources and moving forward faster to liberalize its economy, while we are working to meet the new constraints imposed by joining the WTO. Cambodia thus turned itself into a more competitive free market, thanks to its extremely liberal investment laws and relatively cheap labor force.
A true partnership between the public and private sector was built in just a few short years. It is helping boost the country’s economic competitiveness on several fronts, with the private sector serving as the driving force behind the national economy. In just one example, Cambodian clothing exports are still competitive, thanks to the government’s strategy to strictly respect a high-quality work environment as certified by the International Labor Organization (ILO). And while there is still a great deal more to be done, Cambodia is constantly improving its business climate, first and foremost through the fight against  corruption, which has become one of the government’s top priorities.

T.D.L.: The 2012 ASEAN summit will be held in Phnom Penh. Will hosting this event open up new economic opportunities for your country and give it a chance to expand its influence in the cultural arena? Ten years after joining ASEAN, could you assess the strides made towards integrating the economies of South-East Asia and tell us how this has benefited Cambodia?

H.E.U.K.: Cambodia has already hosted an ASEAN summit since joining this association in 1999, organizing the 8th ASEAN Summit back in 2002. In 2012, it will again serve as the host country organizing the 18th ASEAN Summit.
We can only hope that Cambodia will benefit from this at every level, beyond the simple ritual and expenditures involved with hosting this kind of event. Peace and political stability are the sine qua non conditions for success. The longer these two conditions persist, the better the economy will keep growing at a steady rate, as has been the case in recent years.
We hope to make this summit both a reflection and concrete proof that the country has established a climate conducive to bigger and more competitive investments. It goes without saying that Cambodia’s rich cultural heritage - widely appreciated by the other countries in the region, our summit partners, and a good many others - will be of great help in expanding our country’s influence. In our increasingly globalized world, every host country, along with the organization as a whole, very legitimately desires to make itself seen as a vital partner for other regional groupings.
Since Cambodia joined ASEAN, exactly ten years ago, no one can deny the obvious: our country, which was a battle field peppered with mines and mass graves left by the Khmers Rouges, before being isolated because it wanted to free itself of this genocidal regime, has now achieved total economic integration with the wider region and beyond. 
But ASEAN is more than just a forum for dialogue. It has changed a great deal in recent years, as it gradually transforms itself into an economic and social community that guarantees the security of nations that are tied together by a Charter yet maintain their own individual identity and sovereignty. It presents itself as an essential regional grouping, following the European Union integration model, without copying it exactly. Cambodia joined ASEAN because of the obvious interest for our country, which would not have been able to develop so quickly if it had continued to isolate itself in the name of absolute sovereignty and independence or waited to be more developed before joining the organization, as had been suggested by some amateurish politicians.

T.D.L.: While still upholding their noninterference policy, the member countries of ASEAN voted to create the first regional human rights mechanism on 21 July 2009. Has this move led to any positive advances in this arena? Does it have limits, in particular as concerns the situation of  Myanmar’s opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi?

H.E.U.K.: Since its founding in 1967, in the midst of the Cold War, ASEAN has made great strides toward fulfilling the dream of its founders: bringing together ten countries in the region in an association initially designed to foster economic development. The end goal was to create a strong group held together by treaties and accords and an institutionalized ASEAN Charter. The ASEAN Economic Community was subsequently launched, followed, just recently, by a human rights mechanism.
After a great deal of hesitation and friction, this initiative is a moral victory over a taboo long held sacred: the principle of noninterference. This a very encouraging step forward, given that every single member country is fiercely attached to this principle along with the notion of absolute respect for its national sovereignty. But there is no escaping the fact that every member country has a different level of development. Member countries are also adjusting to and accepting these changes at varying paces, depending on the local situation. Every country is tackling the human rights question in its own manner, as these are highly subjective issues that do not follow a universal law or even less an absolute societal model.
Given the strides made working within ASEAN, which go beyond the human rights arena, the question now is whether every country is actually willing to use this new instrument to deal with situations that can be aggravating or maddening. This is far from certain. The ongoing disagreements between our members will be tests, showing whether conflicts that arise within the ASEAN family can indeed be resolved peacefully.

T.D.L.: Cambodia and China celebrated the 50th anniversary of the opening of bilateral relations in 2008. Are the two countries looking to deepen the close ties they have forged over the years? Could you describe a few key projects that illustrate the strategic importance of these ties?

H.E.U.K.: We have writings by a Chinese diplomat confirming that China and Cambodia have had very good relations from as far back as the Angkor Period. These two great civilizations coexisted for centuries, and the history books do not mention any conflicts or rivalries between the two. But only later, after obtaining independence in 1953, did Cambodia rekindle diplomatic ties with China.
These ties grew even stronger when King Father Norodom Sihanouk, our Head of State at the time, formed a friendship with Chinese Prime Minister Chou-en-Lai during the Asia-Africa Conference held in Bandung in 1955. These relations were disrupted in 1970 by the Lon Nol military coup, which catapulted our country into the Vietnam War and the hell of the Khmers Rouges.
The Cambodian people were held hostage to ideological conflicts and to the deadly madness of all the different parties. Since the end of these conflicts, the surviving Cambodian people have thought of nothing but rebuilding their devastated nation, with or without the help of the major powers that did nothing to save them from extermination. Cambodia is accusing no one, and has rekindled friendly ties with every nation that has reached out to it. China and Cambodia thus normalized their relations after the signing of the Paris Peace Accords, in 1991. They immediately forged even closer ties, thanks to the existence of a large Chinese and Chinese-Cambodian community, which, by the way, has excelled in the business arena.
After the signing of the 1991 peace agreement, China, which had become a major regional power seen by some as a threat, lost no time reinforcing its ties with post-Khmer Rouge Cambodia. Both countries quickly realized they needed to put the past behind, and strengthened their long-standing partnership and friendship. This rapprochement can be seen, first and foremost, in their expanded economic cooperation.
China has also readily adopted Cambodia as a global partner, supporting its efforts to foster the country’s social and economic development and rebuild its infrastructures. This has been seen primarily in the transportation and telecommunications sectors, working in cooperation with the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS). Driven by this new spirit of uninhibited partnership, our countries are committed to doing their utmost to enhance their trade ties.

T.D.L.: The Mekong Delta, located in the heart of South-East Asia, is playing a pivotal role in the regional integration process. Could you talk about your country’s commitment to sub-regional cooperation, in particular when it comes to long-term management of natural resources? What do you think of the marked increase in economic synergies between Cambodia and Vietnam?  What issues would you like to see at the top of the agenda at the 2010 summit between Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam in Phnom Penh?

H.E.U.K.: The Mekong Delta has tremendous economic potential. Cambodia, along with the rest of the countries surrounding the delta, is part of a very ambitious project known as the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS). The goal is to do away with any border-related obstacles hindering the socioeconomic development of member countries. Our country intends to participate fully in this cooperation, not only at the subregional level, but, in the long term, at the global level, which will bring substantial and sustainable development to the entire region.
Cambodia is a member of the Mekong Commission. It has a rather unusual role in the delta, because of its location and its natural and biological resources. It is absolutely essential that the latter be protected from excessive development that does not respect the environment. This has become an international concern, since the construction of  dams upstream is affecting other Mekong Delta countries. The stakes are high, which is why this problem calls for both regional and international cooperation.
As a traditional navigation route, the Mekong and its tributaries - the largest of which is Tonlé Sap, the largest fresh water lake in Asia - are the nurturing mother of the Cambodian people. The development of countries upstream cannot be allowed to impair countries downstream on the Mekong Delta, such as Cambodia and Vietnam. Both countries are developing very rapidly and recognize that their respective economies are complimentary as well as competitive. They have recently forged a brand-new partnership which immediately produced very promising results. Cambodia is thus developing and diversifying its economy with its immediate neighbors, working to enhance South-South cooperation, which are no longer just empty words.
 
 
T.D.L.: UNESCO added the Preah Vihear temple to its World Heritage List in July 2008, rekindling a territorial dispute between your country and Thailand. Military tensions have died down since August 2009. What else needs to happen, before this border dispute can be permanently resolved? What are the two governments doing to bolster their dialogue on political issues and reenergize their cooperation?

H.E.U.K.: Cambodia maintains that there has been no conflict along its land border with Thailand since 1962, when the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague ruled on the issue of the Preah Vihear temple. The ICJ ruling of 15 June 1962 confirmed, once again, in a final decision, that Cambodia has sovereignty over the temple and the surrounding area. Thailand acknowledged the verdict and pulled its occupying troops back to the border drawn out in the map attached in annex to the ruling.
Forty years later, when Cambodia started taking steps to present the temple to the World Heritage Committee for possible inclusion on its list, authorities in Bangkok initially suggested a cross-border listing then a joint listing of the Khmer temple, which by no means belongs to it. Committee members learned about a very recent map, initially kept secret, on which Bangkok officials had unilaterally and arbitrarily laid out a new border, encroaching on Cambodian territory in the area around Preah Vihear. The end goal was very clear: calling the ICJ’s 1962 ruling into question.
Despite these objections, the Preah Vihear temple was unanimously added to the World Heritage List in July 2008, in Quebec. By including it, UNESCO is simply recognizing the universal value of the cultural heritage being protected, conjointly rejecting Thailand’s challenge to Cambodia’s sovereignty over the temple and the surrounding area, as confirmed by the ICJ in 1962. What’s more, the World Heritage Committee is quite right to ignore territorial claims that go against prior judgments and over which it has no jurisdiction.
When all of its obstruction attempts failed, to show its discontent with the temple’s inclusion on the list, Thailand sent in troops to forcibly occupy the zones around the temple to which it lays claim (see attached map). This is an affront to international law, and more specifically to the ICJ and UNESCO decisions. With no shame whatsoever, it demanded that the Khmer temple, internationally known as Preah Vihear, be called by the Thai name “Pra Viharn.” It also accused the World Heritage Committee of having made a unilateral decision that supposedly rekindled the conflict!
Clearly, it was not the temple’s inclusion on the UNESCO list, but Thailand’s attack on Cambodia that reignited the armed conflict between the two countries. Thailand’s objective goes well beyond the UNESCO decision. It has called into question the Franco-Siamese treaties and agreements of 1904, 1907 and 1908 that laid out the land borders used by the ICJ to makes its famous ruling of 15 June 1962 on Preah Vihear.
With full respect for international law, in the belief it has come under attack, Cambodia reserves the right to defend its territorial integrity within the confines of its internationally recognized borders. It has shown a great deal of patience and restraint, in order to preserve peace and friendly ties with a neighbor in the grip of an internal power struggle.
Our country knows it has the law on its side, and that the international community has not fallen for this ploy and will not let Thailand attack its neighbor to satisfy its outdated territorial ambitions. Bolstered by this knowledge, Cambodia went ahead and withdrew half of its troops from the border and kept the dialogue open, despite the daily threats and acts of provocation. Cambodia wants the return to the status quo ante prevailing before the Thai  attack on 15 July 2008, which means a total withdrawal of foreign occupying troops from its territory, in accordance with the borders laid out by the Franco-Siamese treaties and sanctioned by the ICJ in 1962. It has consequently organized several highly mediatized bilateral talks, which were virtually blocked by Thailand when it asked the Parliament in Bangkok to issue an opinion. This move was in fact a  delaying tactic to prolong out the dispute and keeping it from being resolved, which makes us think the military occupation of Khmer territory could last for quite some time. In light of the internal conflicts raging right now in Bangkok, we do not think this is a mere coincidence.
Be that as it may, the Cambodian people stand firmly behind their government. They have not given up hope that their neighbor will recognize that it must withdraw its occupying troops without delay, in order to reestablish mutual trust, mutual respect and friendly relations between the two countries. These relations have been sorely tested by the recent declarations and incomprehensible measures taken by the political class in Bangkok. While the internal political struggle raging there is none of our business,  it has affected the Cambodian economy, starting with the tourism sector, which suffered from the closing of the Bangkok airport in late 2008.
Cambodia is a country in the midst of a revival that has done everything in its power to avoid a useless war that has been forced upon it. It maintains that it is up to Thai authorities to prove their good intentions and meet their responsibilities as laid out by international law. In concrete terms, Thailand must withdraw its occupying troops from Cambodian territory, which would prove that things are indeed back to normal.

T.D.L.: The new American administration took your country off its trading partner “black list,” spurring a turnaround in relations between Cambodia and the U.S. Was this an important move? Beyond the potential economic impact, will this open up new avenues for building closer ties between the two countries?

H.E.U.K.: The United States and Cambodia began normalizing their relations after the signing of the 1991 peace agreement, in Paris, and Cambodia’s return to the international fold after our country held its first democratic elections, in 1993, under UN sponsorship. U.S.-Cambodia bilateral ties were tumultuous for many years, experiencing ups and downs we are all well aware of. They have improved considerably in recent years, reflecting a new appreciation of on-the-ground realities.
The Cambodian people are obviously overjoyed by this long overdue rapprochement, after suffering from political decisions taken in faraway capitals and being held hostage then slaughtered in ideological wars totally out of their control. Left by the wayside for so long, they can finally turn the page and live normally, like every other people within the international community.
Whether the existence of this “black list” is justified, or not, which the Cambodian people certainly cannot say, our country’s removal is clearly being seen as the end of an injustice inflicted upon it and the acknowledgment of the new situation in Cambodia.
After a decade of steady and positive changes, Cambodia deserves, without pretense, to be seen as an important partner in the region. Well before it was removed from the black list, thanks to steadily improving bilateral relations, our country managed to gain access to the American market to products exported from Cambodia. The Obama administration’s widely welcomed decision will further strengthen a relationship that has already been very fruitful in the political, economic and security arenas, further bolstering the Cambodian government’s efforts to modernize the country.
To keep this process moving forward, our country will have to speed up the pace and make deep-reaching political, economic and especially social advances, while maintaining respect for human rights as we continue to fight against terrorism. Even without the “black list,” empty, biased and nonconstructive criticism only undermines this battle, which can only succeed if it is bolstered by international dialogue and cooperation.
We are seeing a growing number of high-level exchanges, such as the recent meetings between the two countries’ foreign affairs and defense ministers, confirming the rekindling of relations founded on a new appreciation of mutually beneficial cooperation. This is why Cambodia, an emerging country, was put in charge, for the very first time, of organizing a multinational military training exercise. 1,500 U.S. soldiers will be participating in the 2010 maneuvers.
Working without bias from this new foundation, our bilateral relations should begin expanding very rapidly, enabling our countries to build even closer ties for their mutual good and for the good of regional peace and stability. Let us hope that Cambodia will never again fall victim to or serve as the battle field for regional ideological disputes, which appear to have finally been put behind us.