Central Africa’s rising star

Equatorial Guinea has grown into Sub-Saharan Africa’s third-largest petroleum producer and is gradually cementing its position as one of Central Africa’s powerhouses. Its Ambassador, H. E. Mr. Federico Edjo Ovono Eyang, shared his views on the success stories that his country can look back on from its independence to its present efforts to prepare for the post-petroleum era, and on its cooperation ties with France.

The Diplomatic Letter: Mr. Ambassador, Equatorial Guinea celebrated its 40th independence anniversary in 2008. How do you feel about President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo’s achievements today, 30 years after he took office?

H. E. Mr. Federico Edjo Ovono Eyang: The path that Equatorial Guinea has travelled since it earned its independence has been long and hard. But looking back at what we have achieved so far makes me quite optimistic about the road ahead.
Equatorial Guinea has come a long way. To understand what has happened, you have to bear in mind two milestones:
- It declared its independence on 12 October 1968,
- President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo took office on 3 August 1979, and stability returned shortly thereafter.
Equatorial Guinea endured one of the darkest periods in its recent history between those two points in time. People don’t yet know much about what happened during the first few years after it declared independence. But it is important to know about what happened then to understand where and what Equatorial Guinea is today. The Head of State - who had been elected democratically - had to tackle an attempt to overthrow him about five months into his mandate. Voters, however, misread that failed coup d’état as an attempt to return to a colonial regime. That incident kick-started a spiral of violence, backstabbing, hatred - many people were killed -, fiery feelings and heartfelt values.
It started on 5 March 1969 and only ended on 3 August 1979. A lot has been written about that decade but the main fact is that the country that President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo inherited when he overthrew the dictatorship in 1979 was a difficult one to lead. Equatorial Guinea’s economy was hollow: its lifeblood had emigrated in droves and it was isolated on the international scene.
President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo took over power when Equatorial Guinea was in the wilderness. And, to take the metaphor one step further, the people saw him as their Moses (if a black one). Not many people remember that. But what he did and said slowly but surely rekindled the people’s hopes, put their minds to rest and channelled their efforts towards rebuilding our country. But, at that point, Equatorial Guinea was one of the world’s poorest.
Equatorial Guinea only produced coffee, cocoa beans and wood, and commodity prices were plummeting back then. At the end of 1988, it had to call on the international community to organise the second donor country conference in Geneva.
Companies had been looking for oil in Equatorial Guinea but walked away on the grounds that extracting it would be unprofitable. President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, however, was clear-sighted and determined enough not to give up hope in Equatorial Guinea’s potential (after all, nearby Nigeria, Cameroon and Gabon had oil).
It was only in the early 1990s that a small American company struck oil, sold the rights to extract it to the Mobil Group and kick-started the large-scale production that has spurred all the development we have seen to this day.
Oil and gas resources have sparked much interest and attracted many people to this country. That was not the case before.
History and geographic perception have shown that President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo was right to persevere. And he made it clear as soon as the first reservoirs were discovered that the proceeds from Equatorial Guinea’s oil and gas would be used first and foremost to build infrastructure (roads, mainly, as well as schools, hospitals, and so on). It was also used to organise the first National Economic Conference, which was held from 8 to 13 September 1997, to approve these principles, and to map out a way to use these natural resources rationally (i.e. taking into account the fact that they are not renewable).
All these initiatives cemented the credibility underpinning the development policy that the Head of State has been rolling out since.

T.D.L.: What is your view on the “democratic test” that the Head of State set in motion, especially in the light of the elections coming up at the end of 2009?

H.E.F.E.O.E.: The rationale underlying the “democratic test” dates back to a time when cementing democracy in African countries was tantamount to organising sovereign national conferences. In President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo’s view, however, this approach could also revive latent fears. Reconciling Equatorial Guineans and opening up his country to the international community were the two issues at the top of his list of priorities.
There was too much suffering in the people’s mind to instate democracy overnight. Equatorial Guineans, more than anything else, did not want the horrors of the past to return - as was the case when Europe emerged from World War II.
That was why the process started with efforts to raise the people’s awareness. That paved the way for the “democratic test”. It entailed founding a single party, which then evolved to make room for groups embracing other political leanings. In total, 13 political parties were founded. A few of them, however, used unscrupulous methods and strayed.
Equatorial Guineans wanted stability. To this day, the people who remember that period in time of the previous regime cringe at the thought of a change of Head of State when they remember tragic events that have occurred in the past.
That in part explains why certain opposition parties form coalitions then join the presidential majority when elections are coming up. But that does not mean that they do not hold true to their original views or abstain from upholding their political convictions and different standpoints.
That also explains the President’s latest election scores. This country has achieved a lot, it has rebuilt itself on the ruins that its past had reduced it to, and time has honed its “democratic test” - which, as an aside, has arguably grown into a political philosophy in its own right.

T.D.L.: After the 4 May 2008 general elections, President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo appointed Mr Ignacio Milam Tang as his Prime Minister and charged him with rolling out the PNDES (Plan National de Développement Économique et Social or National Economic and Social Development Plan). What is this programme all about? What will it do specifically to curb social inequality?

H.E.F.E.O.E.: The PNDES stems from the economic agenda that President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo has been pursuing since petroleum was first found in Equatorial Guinea. As I said, as soon as the first barrels of crude started oozing from the soil, he called the 1997 National Economic Conference - which multilateral organisations including the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and African Development Bank attended - to channel the financial resources that oil and gas generated.
That conference ranked infrastructure as the top priority for the government’s economic policy.
Ten years later, in 2007, the 2nd National Economic Conference focused primarily on taking stock of the results that efforts thus far had achieved. That conference also plotted out a road map showing how we would be using oil and gas resources until 2020.
Assessing achievements showed that considerable efforts had been made to build infrastructure, even though there are naturally certain aspects that need to be consolidated in certain areas.
But the 2nd National Economic Conference’s main conclusion was that we had to step up human-resources training and develop services across the country.
The “Equatorial Guinea-Horizon 2020” plan comprises three documents: the assessment, the vision and the strategic road map to 2020, and the final conference report.
The Government and national authorities are expected to focus their efforts on this plan’s goals. The Government, for its part, is expected to draw up sector-specific action plans or sub-plans and allocate budgets accordingly.
These sector-specific action plans include large-scale communication campaigns to make sure the action plans get as much exposure as possible, and to get the people behind them.
There are three bodies monitoring this plan’s rollout and achievements:
- the “Equatorial Guinea-Horizon 2020” High Council, chaired by the Head of State,
- the National Plan Monitoring and Assessment Commission,
- The Equatorial Guinea 2020 Agency.
The Prime Minister pointed out at the Doha (Qatar) Conference on 18 February 2009 that the Equatorial Guinea-Horizon 2020 Plan is based on concurrent developments in the energy, fishing and service sectors.
The State’s budget for 2009, for example, aims to further this plan by allocating 32.7% of its funds to the social sector, 27% to the production sector and 27.3% to the infrastructure sector.
The Government is using secure and viable financial instruments to back its investments. As financial markets have become extremely volatile, it has created its own funds:
- a fund to build infrastructure,
- a fund to develop fishing,
- a fund to develop farming,
- a fund to develop tourism,
- a fund to develop professional training,
- a fund to provide credit for small and medium-sized business firms.
These funds operate under PNDES guidelines.
I would also like to point out that, in the interest of transparency, the committees administrating these funds count Government representatives as well as international experts who have been chosen on the grounds of their independent approach to management and their credibility.
To answer your second question, these funds contribute per se to social equality. Building water supplies in all large cities, for example, is a step in this direction because it benefits everyone in them. The vaccination campaigns are another example. Training efforts, for their part, entail assessing training requirements for teaching staff based on the different levels and resources that we see in different regions around the country.
More generally, the Government’s funds are all using tools to identify needs and thereby channel efforts towards the Equatorial Guinean Government’s aim to provide efficient and effective public services for its people.

T.D.L.: Your country is in the heart of the Gulf of Guinea, and is producing nearly 350,000 petroleum barrels a day, ranking it third in Sub-Saharan Africa. What are you doing about managing that production from a sustainable development perspective? Liquid natural gas (LNG) production has been on an upward trend since 2007 and your country’s farms have considerable potential. What are you doing to diversify Equatorial Guinea’s revenue streams and job opportunities?

H.E.F.E.O.E.: Oil and gas stewardship, as we see it, first and foremost entails limiting production volumes. Shifting from double-digit GDP growth in 2005 to single-digit growth today is a clear example of the Head of State’s determination to slow down the pace at which we are using oil resources.
But, more importantly, this approach shines through our plans to diversify our economy by branching into other business sectors in general, and into farming in particular. Farming was the pillar of Equatorial Guinea’s economy before petroleum was discovered here. We exported coffee, cocoa beans and wood, and had subsistence farming operations growing other food.
That was why diversifying agricultural production was the 2nd National Economic Conference’s other top priority. Part of this involves raising the people’s awareness that oil and gas will not last forever and that, sooner or later, our country’s prosperity will have to rely on growth in other fields.
Healthy growth in our hydrocarbon production is also allowing us to build up a fund for future generations, where we are investing 0.5% of our oil and gas revenues. That account is in the Bank of Central African States (BCAS).
Promoting Equatorial Guinea to foreign investors is naturally another aspect of the economic diversification policy that our Government is rolling out.
The 2nd National Economic Conference established an investment company as well as a fund to help local entrepreneurs start small and medium-sized businesses.
During his 2008 New Year’s address, the President reminded Equatorial Guineans that he encouraged them to start small and medium-sized businesses that would contribute to the country’s development, and of his plans to step up training initiatives that will equip this country’s people to legally share in the benefits that its oil and gas provide.
This dual dynamic also involves modernising production methods with technology that will increase production capacity, and creating tools that will help the people understand and thus embrace the new systems. This is a particularly important objective towards achieving self-sufficiency for food, which we lack today.
The international conference on energy that Equatorial Guinea hosted under United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) aegis from 4 to 7 November 2008 mirrors the growth we are seeing in the oil and now LNG production. And, as we have substantial LNG resources, I can tell you we are looking forward to exciting prospects on that front.
Equatorial Guinea is attracting growing interest on the part of its foreign partners. New investors have started coming in from Portugal and Germany in particular. I have also seen more business delegations from the Persian Gulf and Russia.

T.D.L.: On 6 February 2009, President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo inaugurated the first of the three new docks, which should be finished in 2011. This is one step in his plans to make Malabo one of the Gulf of Guinea’s most efficient ports. How is this project going to bring fresh momentum to your country’s development and to business exchanges in the region?

H.E.F.E.O.E.: The outlook for our shipping industry is also very promising. We did not funnel that massive investment to Malabo by chance: the water around Malabo is deep enough for large ships, which cannot dock in shallower Bata. This is because Bioko Island is a volcano (geological surveys suggest it is an underwater crater).
Malabo Port’s potential stems from its position at the hub of the Gulf of Guinea and from the natural ties the country have built with all CEMAC (Communauté Économique des États d’Afrique Centrale or Economic Community of Central African States) countries.
To give you an idea, the port will feature a 485-metre-long dock with about 400 metres for powered vessels, 35 metres for Ro-Ro ships and 50 metres for other vessels, a 6,000-square-metre loading dock, two warehouses spanning 8,400 cubic metres and a 1,200- metre passenger terminal. A 400-metre-long retaining wall will protect it and gain 27 hectares on the sea. All that will improve vessel loading and unloading speed.
Growing LNG production should also step up Malabo Port’s contribution to our country’s economic growth and exchanges with neighbouring countries.

T.D.L.: TMSA, a Moroccan company, is running Malabo Port. What other opportunities did H. M. King Mohammed VI’s official visit to Malabo in April 2009 open up in your economic partnership with Morocco?
 
H.E.F.E.O.E.: Our country first and foremost chose TMSA to operate Malabo Port on objective grounds, i.e. based on that Moroccan company’s bid which was probably the most competitive. But it is also true that building up Malabo Port is opening up new opportunities to strengthen the economic partnership between our two countries.
Equatorial Guinea’s ties with Morocco no doubt date back to the solid friendship that we started building with the late King Hassan II. Thanks to our economic expansion, however, that friendship is now opening doors to work together on large-scale projects. King Mohamed VI’s visit to Malabo on April 2009 showed that.

T.D.L.: Equatorial Guinea is attracting nearly one-third of the foreign direct investment reaching Central Africa. You have opened up your oil and gas industry, and your construction industry. What is the next step? How do you feel about the growing interest that Chinese investors are showing? How do you think French companies and their expertise could contribute to building up your country’s already appealing economy?

H.E.F.E.O.E.: Equatorial Guinea is naturally striving to attract foreign investors and develop new economic sectors such as fishing, farming, and new information and communication technologies. But you also have to take into account the country’s endogenous leverage to administrate foreign contributions and to channel all these investment opportunities.
From this perspective, training human resources is simply essential. Transferring technology and expertise only makes sense if we can develop our own ability to use it.
Luba Port, south of Bioko Island, in particular, is being turned into a free port.
You also mentioned the fact that Chinese investors have recently started setting foot in Africa. I think the main advantage there is that the Chinese policy in Africa do not impose conditions to develop business exchanges. Moreover, it seems that China has also given Africans a new angle on international financial institutions, which has helped us open our eyes in our countries.
Another considerable advantage is that Chinese investment, especially in large-scale projects, comes with public-sector grants or government support for host countries.
The People Republic of China’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr Li Zahonxing, announced his Government’s decision to cut back our debt by US$75 million and to make a Yuan 20 million donation to the Equatorial Guinean Government, on 2 January 2007, while he was touring Africa.
Chinese loans are also very long term. This approach, as it turns out, has paid off.
However, Chinese investments do not create jobs in our country or entail transferring technology, as most of the projects use Chinese labour.
Several leading French companies have also set foot in Equatorial Guinea. Examples include Bouyges, Sogea-Satom (a Vinci Group company), Razel, Veolia, Total, France Télecom, Société Générale, the Accor Group, Castel and Air France. The Embassy of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea in France naturally invests part of its energy in efforts to promote this country’s advantages and investment opportunities.
To give you only a few examples, Equatorial Guinea’s potential as a tourist destination warrants a closer look and French hotel chains have a lot of expertise in this field. The Sofitel in Malabo could open up several other opportunities, especially in other cities around the country.
Fishing is another example: Equatorial Guinea, simply put, has more sea than land and its 300,000 sqm of water harbour considerable potential.
Lastly, I am happy to see that interest in our country on the part of French investors is showing no signs of flagging. I can say that because I can see the visa applications for their staff that we are processing here at the Embassy.

T.D.L.: The Equatorial Guinean Government’s recent move to set up ANIF, a national financial inquiry agency, is another step in its efforts to stem money laundering and corruption. How does this agency work and how is it going to improve the business environment in Equatorial Guinea?

H.E.F.E.O.E.: First of all, it is important to understand the difference between the Equatorial Guinean Government’s efforts on this front and the benefits it can derive from joining international initiatives to curb more global phenomena.
In the case of curbing corruption and improving transparency in our own financial management, for example, we have applied to join former British Prime Minister Tony Blair’s Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). Independent international experts are auditing Equatorial Guinea’s oil and gas industry with a view to awarding it full membership.
As an aside, we do not understand the stubborn allegations that certain associations have made against the Republic of Equatorial Guinea and its leaders in spite of the efforts that this country and its government have made. Equatorial Guinea, for example, is actively involved in Interpol’s operations to counter drug dealing (which is one of the main ways of laundering money).
You also mentioned ANIF, the agency that is responsible for controlling practices within our administration and the State’s operations. That move was one step towards achieving CEMAC Member States’ aims to individually and collectively endeavour to uproot illegal practices in general and money laundering in particular, as it all too often finances transnational organised crime - which can in turn entail unpredictable consequences for a State’s peace and security.
The Republic of Equatorial Guinea’s Council of Ministers cleared plans to open this Agency on 2 February 2007. It is currently training its staff (it ran the latest seminar on 16 June 2009) and reports to the Ministry of Finance.

T.D.L.: Equatorial Guinea embarked CEMAC on an institutional reform in 2007 and its role in the regional integration process is growing. Given its financial weight in BEAC, how do you see your country’s role in this process?

H.E.F.E.O.E.: Equatorial Guinea’s integration is the end result of a long process and President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo’s in-depth analysis of the sub-region’s bodies and institutions, the purpose they serve and how they operate. As I said earlier, our country has come a long way. Our relationships with neighbouring countries have evolved a lot too.
During colonial days, when we were an overseas Spanish province, many Gabonese and Cameroonians came to buy a variety of Spanish goods in the continental region principally in Ebibeyin and in Mongomo.
When the Spanish left after our independence and during the dark days of dictatorship, the reverse occurred: Equatorial Guineans travelled to neighbouring countries to buy goods or simply settle there. This flow continued during the first few years of the current regime, especially because our currency was not convertible.
That was also one of the reasons why President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo decided to join the Franc Zone and one of the ways of stemming the emigration flow.
When Equatorial Guinea joined UDEAC (the Union Douanière et Économique de l’Afrique Centrale or Customs and Economic Union of Central Africa) - inter alia with France’s support - in 1984, its economy was tiny.
Our President’s speech rounding up the Summit of Heads of State in Bata speaks for itself about the institutional reforms:
“The spirit of solidarity and understanding that our sister countries share has steeped exchanges during this meeting in Bata more than ever before. History will remember this summit as one that brought fresh momentum to our Community’s cohesion and efficiency.
I am also happy that I have used this opportunity to share with you our determination to revive efforts on the part of CEMAC institutions and organs in order to rise to the major challenges that Central Africa as a sub-region is facing today.
But, over and above everything else, we are certain that our shared determination to step up efforts to overcome the obstacles hindering development in our States - and most particularly in the areas of infrastructure, transport, communication, and the circulation of people, goods and capital - is as strong as ever.
In this light, the Summit that we are closing today has shown that CEMAC is at a turning point in its history. That is why it needs fresh momentum in order to make up for lost time in a number of fields.
The decisions we have made in a spirit of solidarity, understanding and harmony should contribute to achieving our objectives for political and economic integration, which will in turn bring happiness and prosperity to Central Africa’s people.
That is why I would like to thank the trust that my brother CEMAC Heads of State have invested in me to chair the Steering Committee which, from this day forth, will lead the process to reform all our Community’s Institutions and Organs in order to raise them to the standards that the challenges we face today require.
In accomplishing this difficult task, I pledge to work side by side with you, and to regularly keep you abreast of the efforts we will have to make to that end.”

T.D.L.: Gabonese President Omar Bongo Ondimba’s death on 8 June 2009 was a turning point in Gabon’s and, more broadly, Central Africa’s history. How did you feel about that? What role is your country planning to play in regional efforts to enhance security? What is there behind the agreement that Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon, Gabon, and São Tomé and Príncipe, signed on 6 May 2009 to build a joint strategy to bolster security in the region?

H.E.F.E.O.E.: First of all, I would like to tell you how very sad I was to hear of the death of President Omar Bongo Ondimba. There is a proverb in Africa that sums up how I feel: “When an old man dies, a library burns.” In African tradition, it is the elderly who hold knowledge. His death is an irreparable loss for us. He has taken with him a wealth of knowledge and experience. However, I believe that a natural process will enable others to grow, assert themselves and take over the helm in order to keep solidarity among the countries in this sub-region alive.
To answer your question about the agreement signed on 6 May 2009, I think we obviously have to work together at this point in time. The agreement that Equatorial Guinea has signed with other countries in this region to fight against factors spawning insecurity, starting with piracy, is part of efforts within CEEAC and other organisations.
But we still have to look for new factors: for ones that will pave the way for new situations, situations we have not yet seen in Central Africa. Organisations or groups that could fittingly be labelled “21st-century pirates” have kick-started and deepened violent phenomena. Regional solidarity is all the more necessary to deal with situations such as this by building the people’s awareness of the new realities and thereby avoiding drifts that would be regrettable.

T.D.L.: The European Union is one of Equatorial Guinea’s trading partners and is planning to reopen its office in Malabo. How can the 10th European Development Fund spur developments on that front? What obstacles are still lying in the way of applying the Cotonou agreement in your country? And, over and above all that, how could deepening relationships with the EU promote a fresh start in your historical relationships with Spain?

H.E.F.E.O.E.: Our view of the relationships between Equatorial Guinea and the European Union can be nothing but positive. But we also believe that closing the office in Malabo was not a good thing. It was tantamount to closing the door on dialogue. And people will never understand each other if they do not talk. So reopening that office can only be the first step towards mutual understanding.
What we have to do today is take this dialogue further and deeper: there are still a number of areas where our interests converge and that warrant discussing together. We need to take time to think before signing agreements. We need to be sure. The globalisation process we are gradually joining should benefit everyone, and everyone deserves an equal opportunity in it.
To quote President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, “The Republic of Equatorial Guinea must not drift from the path it has embarked on, as a democratic and emerging country that has to work together with the other countries to build a world where peace security, harmony and human development are the norm. To this end, we have always striven and will always strive to build relationships rooted in peaceful coexistence with all the world’s countries, honouring national sovereignty and independence, and abstaining from interfering in other States’ domestic affairs, with a view to developing mutually beneficial cooperative ties. But none of that is realistic unless the State is in a position to provide fundamental guarantees such as peace, stability, and economic, scientific and technologic development for its people, with a view to contributing to the main aims that the international community has embraced in the light of globalisation.” For all those reasons, Equatorial Guinea needs all the countries in the world – and, most specifically, it needs the European Union.
You also mentioned relationships with Spain. A “fresh start” is not the right term here. Instead I would talk of a fresh momentum, but our relationships are perfectly alright. In any case, they are based on the history we share, on the brotherly ties we have with the Spanish people who come back to Equatorial Guinea to discover or rediscover the country where they were born. Our official relationships are moving forward on a very real, ongoing trend. And, over and above that, many Spanish entrepreneurs are doing business in our country.

T.D.L.: Over a year after President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo and President Nicolas Sarkozy met in Paris, French Cooperation and French Language Minister Mr Alain Joyandet’s visit to Malabo in July 2008 was another step in plans to strengthen the cooperation ties that both countries share. Training programmes, especially in safety, are one example. But in what areas do you find these exchanges most productive? What is the latest on your plans to open a naval training centre to counteract piracy?

H.E.F.E.O.E.: Relationships between Equatorial Guinea and France have indeed led to discussions of consequence at the highest level. President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo’s visit to France is one example. French Cooperation and French Language Minister Mr Alain Joyandet’s visit, and his predecessor Mr Jean-Marie Bockel’s visit - during which he laid the first stone of the Bata French Cultural Centre, financed 100% by the Equatorial Guinean Government - and Mr Brice Hortefeux’s visit as Immigration, Integration and National Identity Minster, are three examples of that.
I get on well with my French counterpart in Malabo, Mr Guy Serieys, and we have worked together on a number of issues on several occasions. And, of course, relationships between people are pretty much at the core of cooperation so getting on well makes things easier.
France’s efforts to integrate our country into sub-regional Central-African organisations - and, especially, into the Franc Zone - are one of the cornerstones underpinning our relationships. These relationships have now cascaded into business exchanges. French companies have moved into the Equatorial Guinean market, and are supporting its development.
I also think that one of the key issues in these bilateral discussions is peace and stability in the sub-region. The fact that we are in the French-speaking world means France wields considerable influence here. Building a naval training centre to curb piracy is a good example. This project is making handsome progress today. French experts have been to Equatorial Guinea on several occasions and, once it is up and running, this training centre could open up a new dimension in cooperation in Central Africa (the training centre is in Equatorial Guinea but will serve every country in this region).
France can also play a key role by sharing its experience with a view to strengthening sub-regional institutions, and thereby contributing to the integration process. Helping member countries that want to instate free circulation of people and goods is one example. We are dealing with this issue in Equatorial Guinea: the immigrant flows that its economic development has attracted are much greater than it can handle and this is becoming a real problem for our country. We are liaising with France on this issue, as it is dealing with similar problems.
The French language also accounts for much of our close relationship. French is Equatorial Guinea’s second language, and I feel that greater support on France’s part would be a good thing and benefit people in both countries.
Professional training is another area in which France could contribute, including by welcoming the future trainers of Equatorial Guinea.
Traditional ties between France and Africa, which have nothing to do with “the networks”, are also important. They spring from unquestionable historical relationships. There is a negative tinge in “Françafrique”, a term denoting mainly colonial dealings between France and Africa, but now is the time for straightforward, open exchanges at every level.
To conclude, I would like to take the opportunity that I have with this interview with La Lettre Diplomatique to thank all those who have openly expressed their support when foreign attempts to destabilise our country and its ongoing efforts to rebuild itself surfaced.
I would also like to thank all those who have expressed their sympathy towards us in the midst of communication campaigns aiming to disseminate the mistaken belief that the Head of State and his entourage had misappropriated property.
Allow me to remind you, in this respect, that Equatorial Guinea secured Candidate status from the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative’s Board on 22 February 2008, as proof if more were needed of our efforts to achieve total transparency.
Associations - and one day it would make sense to find out about who is behind them and why - have used an international convention dating back to 2003, called the Mérida Convention, to make restitution demands that can only be made in the name of a State.
False accusations about real-estate ownership in relation to Equatorial Guinea have circulated in the press. Even worse, rigged economic figures have also circulated. We are currently in the process of correcting those figures, and will do so in court if necessary.
We have to find out one day - and, this time, we might be able to count on inquiry commissions and journalists - about the real agendas behind these reports: they have not taken much of an interest in the worldwide banking crisis, who caused it and what it has entailed but all too happily endeavour to put Africa in the spotlight, to open rifts and spark conflict by discrediting its public authorities.
The world as a whole - and this is the message that I would like to send out to the diplomats, policymakers and businesspeople who read your magazine - has to know about the real motives driving these media agitators hiding behind associations.
Nobody should believe what they say. It is time to investigate these associations to find out about the reasons behind their particular interest in Africa, and the benefits they really hope to derive from their purportedly pro-bono efforts.
In this respect, we are entrusted with the authority to consistently demand respect for what we believe in and what we stand for, in particular when he said that “nobody now ignores the misinformation that certain foreign circles have cast over Equatorial Guinea. People know practically everything about Equatorial Guinea abroad. The only thing they do not know is the reality of its social and political development. This hurts our diplomatic representatives’ credibility and their efforts to persuade and attract foreign governments, political leaders and economic players. That is one of the issues that our diplomacy must actively and effectively address in order to present and promote an image of Equatorial Guinea that mirrors its reality.” (*)
All these efforts must not divert our attention or overshadow the objectives that our President has set for 2009, namely:
“Preserve and guarantee peace and national security for citizens.
- Preserve political and social balance, and support democratic principles and the rule of law.
- Improve public-service cost-efficiency, productivity and efficiency.
- Increase and improve social services, i.e. health, education, social security, drinking water, sewerage, electric power, housing, transport and others.
- Provide greater economic and financial cover for the various national and foreign economic players, in order to guarantee their operations and cost-efficiency.
- Diversify the country´s sources of production by industrialising production and channelling investment towards capital goods to process raw materials.
- Step up efforts to build public infrastructure that will change the face of our cities and preserve Equatorial Guinea’s environment.
- Promote training for human resources."